HOW A GOLF COURSE GOT ITS NAME

 

 

                                                      Stephen J. Schlegel

 

 

 

            In the 1950s young boys would play in the forests on the far northwest side of Chicago, exploring, role playing Cowboys and Indians, and sometimes hunting with bows and arrows, bb pellet guns, and with .22 caliber single shot rifles.  Although hunting was illegal there, rarely would there be a kill.  One boy, however, came back to his seventh and eighth grade classes and showed off the pelts of squirrels and rabbits, opossum, and one small fox that he claimed to have killed with bow and arrow.  He had dressed and mounted the pelts on planks that he exhibited to his classmates.  Other boys who had played in the woods each summer brought arrowheads they claimed to have found each year.  These woods were adjacent to the neighborhoods in which the boys lived, and few doubted the stories of their summer-time adventures.

 

            One family lived on Forest Glen Avenue, directly across from the forest preserves, directly above the bank of the north branch of the Chicago River.  The teen-age daughter in that family claimed part Indian ancestry, and was certain she had Potawatomi blood in her.  It seemed odd, for although she was Irish, Protestant, and had a brother that had very pale skin and was as blond as any person anyone was likely to encounter, she claimed this ancestry.

 

            In the winters at very cold times, the river across the street would freeze flat.  The family took special delight in crossing down the embankment, setting up lanterns on the ice, skating with each other, neighbors and friends, and returning to their homes for hot drinks and snacks.  Although their homes were either brick or of sound stone and wood construction, and heated with either oil or gas (in a few cases still coal), they were enjoying some of the same outdoors experiences along that river as their Indian ancestors did until 1835.  That year, their Irish, Scots, and French ancestors, amidst the booming development of the trading post called Chicago, completed the government's purchase of the land and moved the remaining Potawatomi in the area to lands west of the Mississippi.  Only a few of the Me'tis, the children of European and Indian unions, remained in the area to prosper or fail with the developing town.

 

            The Potawatomi tribes had communities that interacted first with the French traders in the seventeenth century in Wisconsin.  After joining with kinsmen from what is now southwestern Michigan, theyestablished communities along the Calumet, Chicago, DesPlaines, and Kankakee Rivers.  One hundred years later, they were interacting with French fur traders at Wolf Point on the Chicago River, the site of the first development of the swampland that became Chicago.  They developed close political, economic, and kinship ties with the French fur traders, who were welcomed into their villages.  The traders’ unions with Potawatomi women produced growing numbers of Me'tis, children. Potawatomi provided beaver, muskrat, raccoon, and otter pelts to the traders.  Through the colonial period they remained loyal to the French, assisting them in their wars against the British as far away as Montreal.  Most, however, remained essentially neutral, or even favored the Americans during the revolutionary period, while their kinsman in Michigan largely favored the British.

 

            The French had ceded the area including Chicago to the British at the conclusion of the Seven Year's War, in 1763.  After the Revolutionary War, the territory was ceded by Britain to the colonies, but only French fur traders had kept serious kinship and trading relations with the Indians in the Chicago area until the establishment of Fort Dearborn and the Forsyth-Kinzie trading post in 1803.  Relations began to deteriorate.

 

 There became a resistance we now call the Pan-Indian Movement, spearheaded by Tecumseh.  Potawatomi were recruited and associated with raids as far south as southern Illinois.  Federal government interventions and peace entreatries, including bringing Indian leaders to Washington, did little to stop their suspicions and hostilities. With the help of a half-Indian British clerk named Billy Caldwell, however, the trading post prospered before, and after, the Fort Dearborn Massacre of 1812. 

 

            By virtually all accounts, Billy, the son of a Mohawk woman, was born near Youngstown, New York, near Niagara Falls, on St. Patrick's day, March 17, 1780.  He began to be at the Kinzie trading post adjacent to Fort Dearborn in 1803.  He was the chief clerk to the Thomas Forsyth-John Kinzie trading combine.

 

He was the product of his mother's union with Senior Captain William Caldwell, of Walter Butler's Rangers, a successor militia to the Butler's Rangers established by his father, John Butler.  John had been a successful farmer on the Mohawk River Valley opposite what is now Fonda, New York.  He became a ranked officer of the Colonial Militia (Lt. Col.) and was appointed to the British Indian Department Deputy Superintendant.  He had engaged in campaigns from Fort Niagara, and amassed forces of 200 British and 300  Indians to stage campaigns in New York and Pennsylvania that have widely been reported in opposition to the colonists.

 

Senior Captain Caldwell had emigrated to the colonies and fought in battles in 1776, ‘77’ and ’78, and was stationed as part of the Indian service in the area of Niagara. He was at Youngstown and living with a refugee Mohawk village when son Billy was born.

 

Although mother's name is not known to this day, all reports are that she was the daughter of a minor Mohawk chieftain named "Rising Sun", and that her refugee community, tended to by the British, moved from the Niagara region across to the Grand River in what is now Ontario.  Baptised into the community as "Thomas" Caldwell, he was always known as "Billy".  Although his grandfather, "Rising Sun" is not reported to comment, he must not have been too pleased when Senior Captain Caldwell deserted the community, his daughter, and his grandson, in 1782, when Billy was two.

 

Captain William Caldwell relocated on the Canadian side at Amherstburg near Detroit.  Although from northern Ireland, he was a loyal Brit, so much so as to have rejected the suggestion of a brother in the British army, who deserted and joined the colonists, that he do the same.

 

 In 1783, he married Suzanne Baby, (B-A-B-Y).  She was a proper, wealthy bourgeoise lady, daughter of one Duperon Baby, a wealthy landowner and businessman. She was to bear him eight children, but the laws of Quebec at the time were strictly primogeniture, and she knew that his first born, "Billy", the Indian over to the east, would inherit all.  She insisted, that Billy be brought to them and be raised as their son, managing the threat of loss of property to their family.  One historian, Professor Fred Christiansen, of the University of Illinois, has remarked that perhaps Billy's mother had died, and that Suzanne would not marry William unless he brought the child to their home and raised him properly as their own.  One way or another, it seemed an eminently proper British thing to do.  Billy was brought to Detroit and given an education equal to his half brothers and sisters.  Some reporters have stated it was a "Jesuit" education.

 

            Half brother William Jr. reported that while he was there, Billy acquired a "fair plain education." He learned ciphering and became literate and fluent in English, lost his natal Mohawk, and mastered a simple trader's French.  Only years later, after tumultuous events, did Billy lapse to a trader's french dialect in some of his speaking and letters.  His education was aimed at having him aid in the family farm acreage.

 

One researcher has reported:

 

"Put behind him was his Mohawkness, only to emerge in later years as a small emotional cancer, a despised and submerged fragment of his private identity, an element of nagging self-doubt that occasionally plagued him.  In the years through 1797 he internalized as part of his own personality the sterling virtues of that frontier community -- a market mentality, loyalty to kin, economic independence, hard work, time-mindedness, acceptance of his place in an emerging hierarchical class system, and --and least in public --an unswerving obedience to constituted authority.  Before the decade ended, he defined himself as a good Catholic, an Irishman, and --***a true Briton."

 

            At home, however, Billy had nothing to productively accomplish, especially in competition with his half brothers that had the full attention and support of his father.  So, at the age of 17, he became an apprentice in the fur-trading business of John Forsyth, and was successful enough that he traded through the Indiana area and became the chief clerk of the business of Forsyth and John Kinzie, adjacent to Fort Dearborn, in 1803.  This became part of a 37 year long association with the business as well as a 44 year involvement with Indian Affairs in one fashion or another.

 

 Both Forsyth and Kinzie were Scotsmen.  Both fiercely independent, and prone to exagerations.  Both, however different from Billy's father, were strong mentors and father figures to him, and he served them well.  By 1812 he had achieved such trust of his employers, that Kinzie dispatched Billy to explain an affair in which Kinzie had stabbed and killed a competitor in the shadow of Fort Dearborn to the governor of the territory, William Henry Harrrison.

 

Forsyth and Kinzie had no regard for the British, who were upsetting the Indian trade by sponsoring raiding parties of Potawatomi against the colonists.  Billy was a Brit, in the mold of his father, but he was also an Indian; and he could relate as a clerk for the business, as well as communicate and act as agent for the affairs of the local Potawatomi and further extended tribal kinsmen throughout the Midwest at least as far as the Mississippi.

 

            1812 became a big year in the life and legend of Billy Caldwell.  Not only did he speak with the governor, it was later reported by Kinzie's wife, now thought to be the fable of a social climbing spouse of a brutal, yet influential founder of our city, that Billy saved her and many others from death at the Fort Dearborn Massacre in August of that year.  It may have been that Billy knew of the impending attack and may have urged the retreat of the American patrol from the Fort, but contrary to Mrs. Kinzie’s report, the fact is that he was in the Forsyth-Kinzie Emporium in Peoria at the time of the attack.

 

            In the Fall of 1812 Billy left the post and returned to Amherstburg where his family remained, to enlist in the British service.  His father was organizing a special force of rangers and had secured commissions for his youngest sons.  He did not extend that patronage to Billy, however, who obtained for himself an appointment as captain in the  British Indian Department.  He served throughout the war, seeing combat in January 1813.  He was severely wounded by an injured American officer who slashed Billy's throat although Billy was actually trying to rescue the wounded American.  He organized a successful raid on American positions near Buffalo in 1814, by reason of which he obtained the patronage of the British army and the support of a group of younger Indian Department officers.

 

He then sought the position of Assistant Deputy Superintendent General of the Indian Department for the Western District.  He was opposed for the position by Indian Department officers who preferred his father for the position, but he managed to gain and hold the position until he was discharged in September 1816.  For the next three years, he unsuccessfully attempted to establish himself in businesses in Amherstburg.  Despite being his first son, the good Captain successfully disinherited him in 1818.  In 1820, Billy gave up trying, and emigrated to the United States and settled back in Chicago.

 

            What then, would this educated British Indian, come to do? What of the obvious suspicions that Chicagoans would have of this former British officer who had fought against the states in the war, organizing Indians to conduct raids on Americans? And what of the personality of this man, who had suffered the loss of his mother and Indian family identity a young age, worked hard to establish a true British identity through his youth in Amherstburg, yet suffered embarrassing lack of support and disinheritance by his revered British father, evidently in complicity with his step-mother? And why would it matter from an historical perspective?

 

            What Billy did do was establish himself as an educated, broadly experienced, ambitious tradesman, and as a trustworthy American citizen.  From 1820 to 1829 he worked hard as a merchant and interpreter for Indian agents.  In 1825 he was recommended for appointment as Justice of the Peace, and served as an election commissioner the following year.  In 1827 he accompanied an old Potawatomi companion in arms named Shabni, to gather intelligence information in connection with a Winnebago scare.  In 1832, he commanded a force of Potawatomi scouts during the Black Hawk affair, helping to quell the uprising and keep Black Hawk from attempting to claim lands in Illinois back from the Americans and the Potawatomi.

 

            Throughout the 1820s he worked in association with his old employers, the Forsyths and Kinzies, as well as others who had recently risen to prominence in developing Chicago, especially the Indian agent Alexander Wolcott.  Those relationships led to his American sponsored appointment as so-called "principal chief" of the Potawatomi tribes, and that involved him in negotiating the 1829 Treaty of Prairie du Chien.  He continued to serve in that part-time capacity and he ably served his American employers through the end of the period.  Most notably he acted in that capacity, actually as agent of the Indians although employed by the Americans, through the negotiations of the Treaty of Chicago of 1833.  He was the only Indian signatory to that treaty who wrote his name, rather than his "mark" on the document.

 

He was rewarded for his efforts with numerous cash payments, annuities, and land grants.  The first and largest was two and one half sections of "prime" Chicago real estate.  The grants would finally total over 1600 acres, primarily on the northwest side of Chicago.  Most was wooded land along the north branch of the Chicago river.  Most of these grants came at the signing of the 1829 Treaty.  After the 1833 Treaty signing, his services were no longer needed by his American patrons, and his loyalties began to shift to the Potawatomi.  They soon employed him on a full-time basis as their agent and representative in dealing with the Americans.

 

            In 1835, remaining Potawatomi in the area were required by the treaty of 1833 to leave and move to reserved lands in western Iowa and Missouri.  These lands were substituted for lands previously reserved that Caldwell had re-negotiated for the Indians in 1834.  Caldwell decided to leave Chicago with the remaining Potawatomi in 1835 in ox-drawn wagons, and on foot, with their meager possessions on the so-called Trail of Tears.  He settled at Council Bluffs, Iowa with his Potawatomi friends and employers.  He acted as their agent there in all affairs until his death, of cholera, in his home, on September 27, 1841, at the age of 61.  He was survived for a short time by his fourth wife, but each of his prior wives, and children by them had died before him.  His first wife, coincidentally, was a daughter of Mad Sturgeon, of the fish tribe of Indiana.  She had died shortly after their marriage during Billy's first employment at the Kinzie trading post nearly forty years earlier.  Mad Sturgeon happened to be one of the Indians responsible for the Fort Dearborn Massacre, in 1812.

 

            Retired University of Illinois history professor Fred Christiansen now serves as occasional narrator and tour guide at the Mitchell Museum of the American Indian in Evanston.  He takes the point of view that Billy Caldwell, or as the Indians referred to him "the Sauganash", which meant "Canadian who speaks English" or “Englishman” is often only a footnote in history books despite the important role he played as a mediator between the federal government and the Native Americans.  Indeed, his name is only referred to four times in Donald Miller's critically acclaimed "City of the Century", which does however, remarkably paint the picture of developing Chicago in the first half of the 19th century. 

 

Many of the details of Caldwell's life were unknown to historians until 1978, when James A. Clifton, Professor at the University of Wisconsin -- Green Bay, did exhaustive work uncovering letters of Billy Caldwell, documents from the Public Archives of Canada generated by the Indian Department and the Military, reported interviews with Caldwell's brothers from prior biographical sources, and delivered a paper on his life at the Annual Meeting of the American Historical Society in December, 1976.

 

            Those papers make it clear that Billy Caldwell had an understandable identity problem, and suffered numerous addictions.  Dr. Miller's descriptions of the times of Caldwell in Chicago would have one note that probably all of the early traders and Indians that dealt and inter-bred with them were primarily interested in drinking, dancing and debauchery on the frontier, and it took most of Caldwell's life before Chicago even Incorporated as a City, in 1833.  That, coincidentally, was the year of the Treaty of Chicago primarily negotiated for the Indians by Caldwell.  The fact that he was appointed a “Chief” by the Americans, not the Indians, and paid by them to act as the Potawatomi agent is clearly paradoxical but was consistent with prior practices’ of French and British.  Clearly, identity problems, addiction problems, and depression at having lost 3 wives and numerous children during his time at Chicago, all played roles in this man’s life and his abilities to act in his various capacities.

 

            Before he died, Caldwell had sold off some of his granted acreage to a few farmers, but much of it remained intact at the time of his death.  There were, however, no heirs who claimed it, and there it sat for nearly sixty years, with little development. Today, Billy Caldwell, or Sauganash, as the Indians called him (and as Mark Beaubien, proprietor of the hotel at Wolf Point in the early 1800s, fondly named the hotel after his friend), is the namesake of two streets, a forest preserve, a community, and a golf course on the Northwest Side, all within the 1600 acre land grant which was surveyed and known as the Billy Caldwell "reservation".

 

 They include the neighborhood of Sauganash, Sauganash Avenue, Caldwell Avenue, Billy Caldwell Woods, and Billy Caldwell Golf Course, which was and is maintained by the Forest Preserve District of Cook County.  The neighborhoods of Forest Glen and Edgebrook are also within the original ceded acreage.

 

            As early as 1869, a Dr. John Rauch formally suggested the formation of a Chicago Park District, "to secure ample grounds for park purposes", which it had failed to do, and which the good doctor suggested must be done to keep Chicago an "attractive place of abode": in other words, "we want not alone a place for business, but also one in which we can live", he said.  As a result, Chicago established Garfield, Humboldt, Douglas, Jackson, and Washington Parks, and later established the extensive properties within the City limits that now form the Chicago Park District.

 

            After the World's Fair of 1892-3, which awakened a new sense of municipal pride, the need for more park space was paramount, and the need to preserve natural areas was beginning to be recognized.  Prominent architects Jens Jensen and Dwight H. Perkins, who later became the first president of the Chicago Regional Planning Commission, initiated a study, which concluded in 1904,

 

"Instead of acquiring space only the opportunity exists for preserving country naturally beautiful."

 

            Among other sites, the study identified the North Chicago river valley, and stated:                       

"all of these should be preserved for the benefit of the public in both the city and its suburbs, and for their own sake and scientific value, which, if ever lost, cannot be restored for generations.  Another reason for acquiring these outer areas is the necessity of providing for future generations, which will extend to the borders of Cook County and intervening areas."

 

The report seems remarkable because it was written at a time when public lands were still being dispersed by the federal government, and it foretold that future development in Cook County would extend all the way to the borders of the county, and beyond, and some of the areas described in the report were deemed by most to be so remote from the city the public would not be able to reach those areas to use them.

 

            The president of the Cook County Board, Henry Foreman, became a forceful influence, but along a different vein, when he established the Outer Belt Commission to oversea the establishment of an outer belt of parks and boulevards, encircling the city and embracing the Calumet and DesPlaines Rivers and the Skokie Marsh.  The difference in the respective propositions lies in "development of scenic highways" versus the preservation of lands of beauty in their natural state.

 

            Two laws were proposed to the State Legislature, one in 1905, said to be hastily drafted and yet passed, which then Governor Deneen declared to be in "inoperative."  The other one, in 1908, had substantial public support due to the continuing efforts of Dwight Perkins and his "Sunday Afternoon Walking Club," as well as the 1909 Burnham Plan, which urged the preservation of forest lands surrounding Chicago.  A Forest Preserve Association was formed, which included Mr. Perkins and many prominent members of other civic groups, and the legislature passed the Forest Preserve District Act of 1911.  However, the law was hastily declared unconstitutional, and many groups became inactive thereafter, except for the Association.

 

            Finally, in 1913 an act was passed that stuck.  In 1914, the residents of Cook County voted to establish what is now the Forest Preserve District of Cook County. Coincidentally, and of no known historical importance, 1914 was the year of the beginning of World War One, the year of the opening of Fourth Presbyterian Church in the building it still most successfully occupies on north Michigan Avenue, the year that Wrigley Field opened on Addison Street, where the Cubs still not so successfully minister to the City and their fans, and the year of my father's birth in Peoria.  I have yet to figure out the significance of World War One to my life, but the other events have certainly enriched my life from its beginning to tonight, and, I assume, beyond.

 

            The 1829 grant of 1600 acres to Billy Caldwell, surveyed as his "Reservation", minus the neighborhoods of Forest Glen, Sauganash, and Edgebrook, in which I grew up, became part of the Forest Preserve District of Cook County, and remain so today.  Those acres, which include bicycle and hiking paths, two golf courses, "Edgebrook" (not a very good golf course) and "Billy Caldwell" (only nine holes, but fairly respectable), toboggan slides, a public swimming pool facility, picnic grounds, and square miles of grounds and woods on both sides of the Chicago river, which meanders through the plot.  These acres are part of over 69,000 acres of the Forest Preserve District properties, the largest district of forest preserve lands in any county in the nation.  They are governed by commissioners who are also the commissioners of the Cook County Board.

 

            Cook County has developed to such a degree that the county is, in truth, land-locked.  A millenium report to the Cook County Board from its department of highway engineers declared that the cost of land throughout the county had risen so high that it would not again recommend to the board that it purchase additional land for highways, instead finding that if it needed new traffic lanes, it would be more inexpensive to "stack them" on top of current holdings.  Obviously, the landlocked status of Cook County puts pressure on government to find or develop more land to serve the business needs of the residents.  And this has put pressure to encroach upon Forest Preserve properties.

 

            These conflicts of interest and concern over the management of Forest Preserve lands led to the establishment, in 1998, of a non-profit, primarily environmental organization, known as the Friends of the Forest Preserve District, which advocates for the preserves, and actively provides oversight for the District that is charged with preserving and protecting the lands.  It has grown to include thousands of volunteer workers, and brought together the users of the preserves, including bikers, hikers, horseback riders, birders, golfers, and restoration and species preservation scientists from the Audubon Society, the Illinois Chapter of the Sierra Club, and other groups.  It provides educational programs, restorational activities, as well as recreational activities.

 

            Recently, Ken Burns, the highly regarded documentary film maker, was in Chicago during his tour promoting his work on the United States National Parks system, and appeared at the Union League Club.  After his presentation, during a question and answer session, Carl Birkelbach, the Chairman of the Board of the Friends of the Forest Preserves, asked Mr. Burns if he was aware of the Forest Preserve District.  He replied that he and his colleagues were very aware of it, and that it was modelled on all the ideals of the national parks system, that we have, in effect, in Cook County, our own local "national park", that needs to be preserved and protected and managed in the same ways as the national parks.

 

            Carl Birkelbach is currently, and wisely, talking in public and private of our obligations to preserve and restore district lands for "generations to come".  The fact is that I was one of the "generations to come" of half-breed, misunderstood, misreported, suffering Billy Caldwell, although I have yet to find any Me'tis in my ancestry.  The wisdom of those that decided to preserve and protect made my childhood and life thereafter enjoyable to a degree I have yet to fully recognize.

 

            Each of the communities surrounding Billy Caldwell's reservation including the community of Edgebrook, have community historical associations.  None had been fully aware of the life and times and contributions of Billy Caldwell, but thanks to the work of professor Christensen, who addressed the members of the Edgebrook Historical Association on March 19th this year, and who may be thanked for stimulating my interest in these matters, the work of the organizations dedicated to preserve and restore these lands will be motivated and continue to make the area a wonderful place to work, recreate, and rejoice in the natural, as well as the business activities of the community, with a view to generations to come, and with a perspective of what came before.          

_________________________

 

This paper was presented at a regular meeting of the Chicago Literary Club on November 30, 2009. 

_________________________

 

About the author:  Mr. Schlegel is a lifelong Chicagoan. He attended Chicago Public Schools, Northwestern University and IIT Chicago Kent College of Law. He has practiced law since 1969 in Illinois and has in the states of New York and Michigan, as well as numerous Courts of Appeal.

 

He grew up in the Edgebrook neighborhood on Chicago’s Far Northwest Side. Among other responsibilities, he currently serves as Vice President of the Board of Directors of the Friends of the Forest Preserve District. He also serves as Director and General Counsel of the Union League Boys and Girls Clubs.

 


BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

1.  Miller, Donald L.  City of the Century: The Epic of Chicago and the Making of America.  Simon & Schuster, 1997.

 

2.  Edmunds, David R.  “Potowatomis.”  Encyclopedia of Chicago.  2004 ed. <http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1001.html>.

 

3.  Clifton, James A.  “Caldwell, Billy.”  Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online.  University of Toronto, 2000.  <http://www.biographi.ca/009004-119.01-e.php?&id_nbr=2783>.

 

4.  Gagnon, Jerry.  “Billy Caldwell-Half Breed.”  CaldwellGenealogy.com Discussion Forum.  Posted 6/26/04.  <http://caldwellgenealogy.com/forum/config.pl/noframes/read/1477>.

 

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6.  Clifton, James A.  “Merchant, Soldier, Broker, Chief: A corrected Obituary of Captain Billy Caldwell.”  Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society.  Vol. 71, No. 3 (Aug., 1978): 185-210.

 

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14.  “Monuments.”  Early Chicago.  2009.  <http://www.earlychicago.com/monuments.php?letter=O>.

 

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17.  “Billy Caldwell Golf Course.”  Bing Local.  27 Nov. 2009.  < http://www.bing.com/local/details.aspx?lid=YN272x189730202&qt=yp&what=billy+caldwell+golf+course&where=Chicago%2c+Illinois&s_cid=ansPhBkYp02&mkt=en-us&q=billy+caldwell+golf+course>.

 

18.  “Chasing Billy Caldwell.”  Readysubjects.org.  <http://readysubjects.org/projects/chasingbilly/caldwell.html>.

 

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22.  Billy Caldwell Golf Course USGS River Forest Quad, Illinois, Topographic Map.”  Trails.com.  <http://www.topozone.com/map.asp?lon=87.7631159&lat=41.9925313&datum=nad83>.

 

23.  “Origins: The Early History of the Forest Preserve District of Cook County 1869-1922.”  Forest Preserve District of Cook County, Illinois.  <http://www.fpdcc.com/tier3.php?content_id=4>.

 

24.  “About us.”  Friends of the Forest Preserves – Advocates for Nature and Recreation in Cook County, Illinois.  <http://fotfp.org/aboutus.html>.