FULL CIRCLE
by
Helen R. Rogal

Delivered to
The Chicago Literary Club
March 27, 2000

The way in which we have been taught history would lead one to believe that large events, such as wars and economic crises, tell the whole story of human society. But there is much more to history. There are events that in the general scheme of things may seem small but they are no less important to our understanding of the history and culture of our society. Tonight's story is, except to those who lived it, one of those relatively small events in the history of the world.

Our story begins in Carter County, Tennessee in 1818. Carter County was a farming community in northwestern Tennessee. Among the residents was a young man named John Oliver. For many years he yearned to be a farmer, but it was impossible as there was no fertile land left in Carter County. So he worked as a collier in the Tennessee coal mines. But he did not give up his dream of being a farmer. He remained determined.

In the fall of 1818 John Oliver and his bride, Lucretia, traveled to a remote and wild place in southeastern Tennessee. It was called Cades Cove and was named for Chief Kade of the Cherokee Nation. It was flat, fertile, forested and full of game. It was encircled by rugged mountains now known as the Great Smokies. The mountains are steep and forested. In the summer due to the heavy rainfall the undergrowth makes the mountains almost impenetrable. In winter the snowfall is heavy and ice cascades from the high ridges down to and across the trails and then continues down the sides of the mountain, making any travel treacherous.

The cove was inhabited by Cherokee Indians. It is believed that these Indians were part of the much larger Cherokee Nation living in North Carolina and that they must have crossed the mountains to live in the cove. It is not known when they arrived. Lucretia was, from the start, terrified of the Indians. John believed that the Cherokees were friendly Indians.

The Olivers were settling in the cove illegally at the time. Settlement was actually prohibited by treaty with the Cherokees. Land speculation and illegal settlements probably served the national interest. It made for a buffer between older, settled areas and the Indians. Settlers attracted other settlers. Land values doubled and tripled. The illegal settlers became the legal residents. The Indians had been deceived.

John and Lucretia brought with them their one year old daughter, Polly, and oddly just a few supplies. John had no experience hunting. The winter of 1818-1819 was one of heavy snows and John had difficulty finding and tracking game. Of course, they arrived in the fall, too late for planting. John, who had only worked as a coal miner, was inexperienced with farming, too. By mid-winter the Olivers were facing starvation. The feared Indians brought them dried pumpkin throughout the winter, spring and early summer. The Olivers survived until they managed to harvest a crop in the summer of 1819. In later years neither John nor Lucretia could remember the names of any individual Indians. They simply referred to them as the Indians.

Despite their inexperience, the Olivers did become successful at raising crops. The fertile soil and abundant rainfall made it difficult to fail. The Olivers' enthusiasm and hard work enabled them to clear the trees from the forested land so that it could be farmed.

More white settlers arrived. The new settlers cleared more trees and even drained swamps to make the land usable for farming. They cherished the land wrested from nature by their ingenuity and hard work and farmed conservatively, preserving the land. They grew wheat, corn, rye, oats, vegetables, and pumpkins in abundance. The settlers' success in farming bought with their sweat and perseverance made them determined to remain on the land.

As has been the tradition in settlements, the people banded together in a community of common interest. Education of the young began immediately. Schools and churches were cooperatively built. These institutions were, of course, for the use of the white settlers only.

As the number of settlers increased in the 1820's and 1830's, the Indians, who had saved the Olivers from a sure death by starvation, began to feel surrounded and displaced by the settlers. In the clash of cultures so often repeated throughout the young nation, the Indians began to feel that their possession and use of the land was seriously impaired. They became increasingly hostile to the settlers and their way of life. The settlers began to see the Cherokees as a "threat." This "threat" was ended in 1838 as the original settlers of the cove, i.e., the Cherokees, were forcibly removed from the cove by the federal government and became part of the "trail of tears" march to Oklahoma. They left their fields of corn and oats and carried with them only a few items of clothing. John Oliver was among the local militia involved with the final roundup of the Cherokees and stood by as the Indians began their forced march. They were joined by 800 Cherokees from North Carolina and marched to a massive camp in Calhoun, Tennessee. The camp was hot and smelly and full of angry and sullen Indians. There was a shortage of water and food. Children and the elderly became ill.

The river was too low for moving them by water but the Indians had to be moved quickly, so the government troops found six flatboats and lashed them together. One thousand Indians were brought from the camp in army wagons and forced onto the flat boats which might have comfortably held a few hundred people. They moved at about five miles an hour into the Tennessee River. They passed through dangerous rapids in this manner. They moved day and night until they reached the Arkansas River. Food supplies lessened every day. Now the journey was to be over land, through Arkansas and Oklahoma. By this time some Indians had escaped; many more were seriously ill, especially the children. It was hot and dry and water was now extremely scarce. The dead numbered in the scores. Many of those Cherokees who were moved later, as winter neared, died from cold and starvation. Within a year, the entire Cherokee Nation of about 20,000 persons was forcibly removed from the Southeast. On their way to what is now Oklahoma, between 20 and 40% of the Indians died.(1)

What might the Cherokees have been thinking as they were marched out of their ancestral home and saw the man they had saved from starvation as part of the militia? We don't know. We will never know. If I were in that situation, I would be thinking no good deed goes unpunished. The white settlers of Cades Cove kept extensive records but never mentioned the culture that came before them. The cove Cherokees left no written record. The available literature regarding the "trail of tears" does not refer specifically to the Cades Cove Indians.

John Oliver and the other white settlers had been affected by Jacksonian egalitarianism. This is how they treated each other and this is how they tried to develop their community. Of course, the egalitarianism did not extend to the Indians.

The white settlers were 30 to 40 miles from the nearest city or town where their crops could be sold and they could purchase needed materials. Rugged mountains separated the cove from Knoxville and Maryville, making any trip long and arduous. Therefore, the settlers had to be hardy, clever and innovative and they were. One of the settlers, Peter Cable, managed to drain the swamps at the lower end of the cove. He did this by placing dikes and log booms across Abrams Creek and other smaller tributaries. This allowed fertile soil to be trapped and distributed evenly over the low areas. Cable also set the example for careful, consistent farming methodology. There was careful cultivation of a limited amount of land. The result was that the rich soil of the cove was still productive at the end of the 19th century.

One of the stories I like best about the hardiness of the settlers concerns the birth of the Spence child. Each summer the Spences brought their cattle to a high ridge which today is part of the Appalachian Trail. When Mrs. Spence was about to give birth, she decided that it would be best to have the child born in the cove. So, three days before the birth she descended a steep, rugged mountainside alone to get to the cove.

The cove was not self-sufficient. It was market oriented. Therefore, whether times were good or bad depended on the larger economy. The settlers were entrepreneurial and prior to the Civil War, they enjoyed a long cycle of prosperous times.

Prior to the Civil War goods were taken to market by wagon. An extra team of horses would be used to get the wagon over the mountains. The wagons were held steady by eight men with ropes on both sides.

The settlers designed and built mills so that they were able to make flour. They found iron ore in the area. It was of poor quality but good enough for their purposes. They developed an iron industry and most farmers made their own tools. They carded wool, spun it into yarn and made their own clothing. Long, hard days were the order of the day and night. Children worked alongside parents and other kin.

Religion played an important role in the settler's life. The church of choice was the Primitive Baptist Church. The church was introduced by John and Lucretia Oliver. It acted as an invisible government, although on the surface at least, the congregation insisted on a complete separation of church and state. The congregation was classless, part of the egalitarian beliefs of the community. The structure kept the power of any one individual, including the pastor, in check. However, the Primitive Baptist Church held more power over the community than any civil authority. The Primitive Baptists conceived the church and its doctrines as being fully enumerated in the scriptures. Innovations in the beliefs or practices were thus regarded with great suspicion and hostility.

The cycle of prosperity ended in 1860 due to the Civil War. Cades Cove remained loyal to the Union. Many young men left to join the Union army. The Primitive Baptist Church took a strong pro-union position. No cove family had owned slaves. However, some families believed in the Confederate cause and some of their young men joined the rebels.

Throughout the Civil War guerrillas from North Carolina came through the mountains and raided the cove. The guerrillas operated beyond the control of the confederate army. It was believed by cove residents that many of the guerrillas were actually outlaws who stole and murdered. Murder had become commonplace. One of the more notorious guerrilla leaders was a man named DeWitt Ghormley and the residents of the cove composed the following ballad:

"I'd rather be a Union man and carry a gun than be a Ghormley man and steal a cow and run."(2)

At times father and son would be on opposite sides of a battle. Charles Gregory was part of a guerrilla raid and his father Russell had formed a blockade to stop the raiders. Charles' sister ran out to talk to him, knowing her father was part of a blockade ahead. This slowed Charles down and separated him from the others, perhaps saving his life and saving Russell from killing his son.

During the early years of the Civil War, East Tennessee, despite strong Union sympathy, was under Confederate control. In September of 1863 General Ambrose Burnside captured Knoxville and shortly thereafter the Union gained control of East Tennessee. The cove was too small and too isolated to be helped by Union control and the guerrilla raids from North Carolina continued.(3)

Lest we be left with the belief that only the rebels indulged in guerrilla warfare, it needs to be mentioned that the union also had guerrilla raiders. The union raiders came form Kentucky through the Cumberland Mountains and made similar kinds of raids in Northeastern Tennessee.

Some cove residents became so tired of the raiding and the bickering between union and confederate sympathizers that they packed up and decided to move and start what they referred to as a "new world". They moved to a small cove along the Thunderhead Prong of the Little River, in an even more remote and isolated area near the North Carolina border and surrounded by mountains more rugged than those surrounding Cades Cove. This new community was ultimately unsuccessful and after the end of the war most members of the new community moved out of the area.

During the war years the cove suffered an economic decline similar to that felt by the rest of the country and the decline continued for many years following the end of the war. The cycle of prosperity had ended.

During the Civil War a new generation had come of age. They were less literate. They were more provincial and introspective. The average cove resident had changed. The guerrilla warfare engendered bitterness and hatred that lasted for many years following the war. The society became closed. The kinship structure expanded. The original leaders, John Oliver, Russell Gregory and Peter Cable had died. There was now an intolerance of innovation and change. A suspicion and fear of strangers developed. Excessive reliance on the extended family became the norm.

A folk culture developed. This involved the shared experiences, values, knowledge and mythology that the cove people communicated among themselves in a regional dialect that deviated from standard English. There was a variant pronunciation of words. These oral expressions had a well defined common meaning to every member of the community. There was intense scrutiny of each individual. There were no new immigrants. They would not have been welcome and would have remained outsiders. Pro-Confederate families were expelled, their property forcibly taken from them. They were not compensated for their losses. The isolation of cove residents increased. There were still no roads into or out of the cove.

There is no information regarding inbreeding. But, surely this must have been a problem. By 1880 most cove families were directly or indirectly related. An extensive kinship structure had developed.

An advantage of the kinship structure was that people helped one another and the small farmer never fell to the level of subsistence farming, no matter how difficult the times. A disadvantage of the kinship structure was that it prevented new families from coming into the cove as it was difficult to compete with such an elaborate kinship structure.

Around the turn of the century John Oliver, the great grandson of the original John Oliver, became a leader of the community. He represented progressive 20th century views. He taught farmers how to increase their yield and how to improve breeds of livestock. He attacked wasteful farming methods and taught conservation of land, water and timber. He sent his own children to preparatory schools in Maryville and encouraged others to do the same. Justice William O. Douglas in referring to John Oliver said, "Cades Cove's leading citizen served its people as no one else, bringing them enlightenment and guidance in raising their standards of living."(4)

At about the same time many families moved out of the cove. Some moved to Maryville, some moved to the West. They kept in touch with their relatives in the cove. Therefore, there was a flow of new ideas into the cove. The cove had rejoined the world. They were no longer isolated from mainstream Tennessee or the nation in general.

Still, they never fully replaced the old ways. For the first two decades of the 20th century, they were quilting, weaving and preserving food in the same manner as one hundred years earlier.

During World War I, the cove's patriotism appeared again. Many young men volunteered for the army. For those living in the cove, the war years brought a new cycle of prosperity. Food was needed all over the country and the cove farmers produced record harvests.

However, alongside the progress, an industry in moonshine developed. This led to an outlaw subculture, involving brawling and thievery. Community norms still mitigated against exposing a native son to outside harassment. The result was that moonshiners in the cove were seldom caught by the authorities.

After the war farm prices dropped and the latest cycle of prosperity ended. Moonshining increased due to prohibition. Once again there were serious strains in the community. John Oliver's barn was burned to the ground. His father's barn was burned. There were some revenge shootings throughout the 20's, though not to the same extent as in other parts of Appalachia.

BUT THE WORST CRISIS WAS AHEAD.

People in Knoxville, especially business people, wanted to create a large park to attract tourists. Their primary motive seemed to be profit. According to a Knoxville newspaper in the 1920's, they expected an unprecedented financial bonanza. They decided that the park should be a national park and that the park should be in the mountains along the North Carolina border.

Most of the area considered for the park was rugged, uninhabited mountains. The only exception was Cades Cove. The cove residents had themselves started a tourist industry. The first road into the cove from Maryville had been built in the 1920's. The residents had built lodges and cabins. John Oliver had constructed a huge lodge and had developed a large clientele from the Midwest and New England. The lodge owners provided guides for hikers and hunters. They advertised in national magazines. So at first they welcomed the idea of a national park, thinking it would bring more tourists into the cove area.

John Oliver believed a park would stop the deforestation caused by the logging by the Little River Lumber Company and the subsequent erosion of the soil.(5) There was a campaign by business and political leaders, including the Governor of Tennessee and a state senator, to assure the residents that their homes and farms would not be touched. Carlos Campbell, the leader of the park movement, befriended Oliver and even used his lodge and cabins to show prospective park supporters the beauty of the cove and the encircling mountains. Campbell at all times assured Oliver and other residents that their homes and land were safe.

On May 9, 1926, the Knoxville Journal printed a statement issued by Tennessee Senator L.D. Tyson. The senator said:

I have noticed reports to the effect that the people within the boundary which is proposed to be taken on for the Great Smoky Mountain Park are somewhat disturbed over the situation, feeling that they may be compelled to sell their land and to move out of the area within the boundary and be put to other inconvenience thereby.

The bill which has been introduced for this proposed park in the Tennessee senate and the Tennessee house carries no authority whatever to move any one, and there is no authority whatever for buying any land or of doing anything in regard to the land except to receive it as a donation. No person within the boundary limits so far as any authority is contained in this bill, is compelled to move or in any way to be disturbed nor their land taken over under this bill.

I do not understand how such a rumor could have gotten out.(6)

Tennessee Governor Austin Peay assured owners of land within the park that they need have no alarm. At Elkmont in 1926, Governor Peay met with concerned citizens and repeated assurances that their farms would never be seized for park purposes. The governor said, "As long as I am a member of the Park Commission, I wish to assure these people that there will be no condemnation of their homes. Such evictions for the pleasure and profit of the rest of the state would be a blot upon the state that the barbarism of the Huns could not match."(7)

The cove residents believed the senator and the governor and thus did not organize any protest.

The promises were not kept. The promises were not real. In 1925 the Tennessee Legislature in Chapter 57 of the Acts of 1925 created a Park and Forestry Commission to acquire land by gift, purchase and condemnation to be used for public purposes. The legislature authorized the Commission to purchase lands from the Little River Lumber Company upon certain terms and conditions. The purchase was authorized only in the event that the United States of America should by proper legislative Act of Congress, within 2 years of the passage of this Act have first designated said lands to be included as a National park area to be maintained as such by the United States of America. Under the terms of the purchase, the Little River Lumber Company retained the right to cut and remove virgin timber for 15 years from January 26, 1925. The areas where they were allowed to cut timber were the Middle Prong Water Shed, Pigeon River Water Shed and Cades Cove.(8) The writing was on the wall.

On May 22, 1926, the Congress of the United States approved a bill authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to accept by donation the absolute title to the certain lands in the States of North Carolina and Tennessee in the Great Smoky Mountains to be dedicated and set apart as public parks for the benefit and enjoyment of all the people. The federal government had no right to condemn and seize property. Property would need to be purchased by the State of Tennessee and ceded to the U.S. Government. Only the State of Tennessee had the right of eminent domain. When the final park bill was passed by the Tennessee legislature in April of 1927, it was clear that the fate of Cades Cove was to be death by eminent domain. The bill passed by the Tennessee General Assembly gave the Park Commission the right to seize and destroy homes and community buildings. An editorial in Progressive Labor on April 21, 1927 condemned state officials and park commissioners for blatantly lying to the cove people about the seizure of their homes.

When the State of Tennessee brought suit in the Circuit Court of Blount County in Maryville in 1929 to take John Oliver's property, he decided to fight. The stakes were far greater than Oliver's small farm. If Oliver won, the rest of the cove farmers might successfully resist the seizures of their homes. Years of litigation ensued. The critical issue in Oliver's case was whether one sovereignty, the State of Tennessee, could exercise the power of eminent domain to secure land for the public use of another sovereignty, the federal government. The court in Blount County agreed with Oliver that the state could not exercise such power in this instance and dismissed the state's suit. The Supreme Court of Tennessee rejected this decision, holding that public necessity justifying the exercise of the power of eminent domain need not be exclusively the necessity of the particular sovereignty seeking to condemn and remanded the case to Blount County for further proceedings.(9) What was the public necessity in this case? The court did not address this issue.

The cove residents were now faced with the loss of their properties to their beloved federal government. Most of the people, but particularly the elderly, viewed the prospect of removal with dread and apprehension. Outsiders did not understand the importance of place in the lives of ordinary cove residents. They had little knowledge of the rest of the world. A pervasive feeling of helplessness developed. The coercive power of eminent domain seemed to preclude any effective opposition. The cove residents did write some letters of protest and appeal to state legislators, park commissioners and to John Rockefeller who had donated $5,000,000 to the park. They begged for relief. They were ignored. Worse, the properties were purchased at Depression Era prices. In fact, the purchases were made during the worst years of the Depression. In 1931 a jury of view examined Oliver's property and fixed the value of his property at $10,650.00. At the same time, the economy of east Tennessee had collapsed and unemployment was rising catastrophically, making it difficult if not impossible to find jobs after leaving the cove. The residents were scattered and isolated and suffered from the loss of friends and relatives. More than a few lost what sums they had received for the sale of their property in bank failures.

Some properties were purchased at greatly reduced rates by the Park Commissioners. The owners were told by the park commissioners that if they accepted less than the real value of their farms they would be granted leases or special permission allowing them to live on the property for the rest of their lives. These promises were first made in 1927. Many cove residents accepted this offer. Later the National Park Service claimed that the Park Commissioners in Tennessee had no authority to grant these leases and they would not honor them. So they, too, had to leave their homes and move during the depth of the Depression. They were given no further compensation. An article in the Nashville Tennessean on September 1, 1932, stated that, "The eviction of the mountain people after they had been promised they could remain during their lifetime was a shocking breach of faith on the part of this legalized agency of the State of Tennessee, the Park Commission." Why were the residents of Cades Cove treated differently from the Little River Lumber Company? Remember the company retained a lease for 15 years. The Supreme Court of Tennessee in its decision on June 16, 1928, in the Malone v. Peay case, found that "The Act of Congress did not sanction the acceptance by the government for park purposes of land burdened with reservations."(10) The next General Assembly of the State of Tennessee ratified and approved the purchase of Little River Lumber Company property upon the terms and conditions set forth in the deed. The Supreme Court of Tennessee in the second Malone v. Peay case upheld the sale.(11) The National Park Service accepted the property. A lease allowing virgin timber to be cut in a National Park was acceptable but a lease allowing a few hundred people to live out their lives in an area consisting of 76,507 acres was not.

In December 1935, only twenty-one families remained in the cove. They received notice that they must vacate the area by January 1, 1936.

John Oliver moved the last of his household goods on Christmas Day, 1937.

The homes, schools and most of the churches were destroyed. The land began to revert to its wilderness state. There was no hint that Cherokees ever lived in Cades Cove. A few of the white settlers' primitive cabins and churches were preserved for tourists. The more modern buildings were destroyed giving the impression that the people removed from the land were very primitive. Place names in the area such as Spence Field, Russell Field and Gregory's Bald are reminiscent of the white settlers. In Cherokee, North Carolina, outside the park, you can buy t-shirts and other trinkets reminiscent of the Indians but not reminiscent of their culture. At the end 3 or 4 families were allowed to remain, giving the false impression to most tourists that the residents had been allowed to live out their lives on the land.

We have come full circle, haven't we? Maybe not. Maybe the circle is not quite full.

By the late 1930's, the park commissioners realized that they had made a mistake. The beauty of the cove had been its cultivated fields encircled by the high, rugged mountains. In its wild state, it was of little interest to the tourists. By then it was too late.

The circle is now full.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dunn, Durwood, Cades Cove. The Life and Death of a Southern Appalachian Community, 1818-1937, The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville, TN, 1997.

Ehle, John, Trail of Tears, The Rise and Fall of the Cherokee Nation, Doubleday, New York, NY, 1988.

Overholt, James, Anderson County, Tennessee, The Donning Company, Norfolk, Virginia, 1989.

Wilson, James, The Earth Shall Weep: A History of Native America, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1999.

Supreme Court of Tennessee Cases:

Malone v. Peay, Supreme Court of Tennessee, June 16, 1928, 157 Tennessee Reports, p. 429.

Malone v. Peay, Supreme Court of Tennessee, June 15, 1929, 159 Tennessee Reports, p. 321.

State of Tennessee v. John Oliver, Supreme Court of Tennessee, February 7, 1931, 162 Tennessee Reports, p. 100.

Helen R. Rogal, 3/27/2000
The Chicago Literary Club

FOOTNOTES

1. Ehle, John, Trail of Tears, The Rise and Fall of the Cherokee Nation, Doubleday, 1988, pp. 334-345.

2. Durwood Dunn, Cades Cove, The Life and Death of an Appalachian Community, The University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville, Tennessee, 1997, p. 136.

3. Overholt, James, Anderson County, Tennessee, The Donning Company, Norfolk, Virginia, 1989, pp. 25-28.

4. Dunn, page 178.

5. Dunn, page 243.

6. Knoxville Journal, May 9, 1926.

7. Dunn, p. 247.

8. Malone v. Peay, Supreme Court of Tennessee, June 16, 1928, 157 Tennessee Reports, pp. 433-435.

9. State v. Oliver, Supreme Court of Tennessee, Feb. 7, 1931, Vol. 162, Tennessee Reports, pp. 100-121.

10. Malone v. Peay, Supreme Court of Tennessee, June 16, 1928, 157 Tennessee Reports, pp. 436.

11. Malone v. Peay, Supreme Court of Tennessee, June 15, 1929, 159 Tennessee Reports, pp. 325-326.

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